These are the sources and citations used to research A&G Final Assignment. This bibliography was generated on Cite This For Me on

  • Book

    Gypsies and Travellers: Frequently asked questions, myths...and the facts

    2007 - Bristol City Council - Bristol

    Gypsies and Travellers are minority ethnic groups and legally protected under the Race Relations Act, so discrimination against them is unlawful. Public bodies have a duty to promote their racial equality, but many inequalities still exist. They experience high levels of discrimination and prejudice. For example 25% of those living in caravans are homeless because they have nowhere legal to park and face frequent evictions. Gypsies and Travellers have been encouraged to set up their own sites but only 10% have their initial planning applications accepted. They also experience severe inequalities in education, health and other services. (4) “Roma” is used to describe European Romany speaking groups who have come to England from Eastern and Central Europe, and is sometimes used to refer more generally to Gypsies and Travellers. (5) “…Gypsies ..are granted immunity and even given privileges. The rule of law is flouted daily by people who don’t pay taxes, give nothing to society and yet expect to be treated as untouchables” (Sun newspaper 10.3.05) “In effect they are sticking two fingers up to the rest of society…People..feel resentful...because the majority of us have to conform to society’s rules.” (Bristol Evening Post Editorial Issue No21,966) “Gypsies are told: You don’t have to obey the law” (Daily Express 3.8.04) “(On BBC Radio West Midlands) the Home Secretary said that it was time to end sentimentality about Travellers as they were often involved in burgling, thieving, breaking into cars and urinating in the street” (The Times 19.8.99) “...You can’t control Travellers, they are a law unto themselves” (Bristol Evening Post 1.12.99) (16)

    In-text: (Gypsies and Travellers: Frequently asked questions, myths...and the facts, 2007)

    Your Bibliography: 2007. Gypsies and Travellers: Frequently asked questions, myths...and the facts. Bristol: Bristol City Council, pp.4-24.

  • Presentation or lecture

    Acton, T. and Ryder, A.

    Roma Civil Society: Deliberative Democracy for Change in Europe

    2013 - Budapest

    Europe appears to be at a ’crossroads’ and a new debate has been sparked as to the direction of, and ideals upon which, the EU should be predicated. (p. 4) Correspondingly forms of deliberation centred upon inclusive community development are needed to mobilise the marginalised and legitimate the politics of the progressive middle class, but the marginalised themselves must come to own the process. (p. 5) This paper will argue, therefore, that the present low levels of formal Roma community organisation and weak links to actual Roma communities of the existing advocacy networks weaken all attempts in European society to mobilise marginalised people. This state of affairs might be reversed, however, by inclusive forms of community development which aspire to a more interventionist and redistributive vision of Europe. ( p. 5) Serious attempts to create Romani organisations which can lobby governments and inter-governmental organisations go back to the 1950s, and even those drew on the experience of isolated utopian endeavours from the 1920s and 1930s (Klímová-Alexander, 2005). Attempts to mobilise more activist-driven transnational campaigns in the past have utilised various forms of Romani nationalism (Acton and Klímová, 2001). Some of these mimicked European nationalisms, promoting exclusivity and distancing, rejecting the potential of broader empowerment networks. Nirenberg (2009) has argued that the development of a broad coalition has been further impeded by the manipulations of 6 ‘charismatic’ leaderships, with little appetite to forge grassroots mobilisations. (p. 5-6) The series of World Romani Congresses which started in 1971 (and its administrative body, the International Romani Union, founded in 1978 before the 2nd World Romani Congress) are perceived to have failed to build a substantial representative organisation (Acton and Klimova, 2001). They have left in their wake, however, a number of fora at a European level that Roma advocacy networks can use in engaging with Europe wide institutions. The most important, the European Roma Traveller Forum (ERTF) founded in 2004, is composed of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller delegates from the member states of the Council of Europe and is represented by a General Secretary and Secretariat (Liégeois, 2007).The ERTF, even though it was formally initiated by the Council of Europe, started as a bottom up federation of local non-governmental organisations (NGOs), to which any Roma-led NGO could affiliate, and vote in the elections for its ruling body. By the time of its second election, however, its constitution had been changed to the same system the International Romani Union had before. Just one compliant NGO in each nation-state was mandated to send a small unitary delegation. Other NGOs lost their right to send delegates. (p. 6) Another important development has been the Roma Platform. The Roma Platform meetings are decided on and chaired by the member state holding the presidency of the European Council. They bring together national governments, the EU, international organisations and Roma civil society representatives. The meetings aim at stimulating co-operation and exchanges of experience on successful Roma inclusion policies and practices. (p. 7) Over the past two centuries in Europe, Roma communities’ interaction with institutional power has mostly been an uneasy one shaped by assimilatory policies which viewed Roma either as a dysfunctional group to be redeemed by ‘civilising projects’ (Powell, 2010) or a deviant and dysfunctional group to be punished and demonised (Liégeois, 2007). The residual legacy of such ideology continues to constrain institutional and policy engagement with Roma communities at a national and European level even within the Roma Framework. This European Social policy tradition, talked of ‘citizenship’ (so making non-citizens invisible), and of ‘race relations’ (assuming racial distinctions are natural and inevitable) and ‘community development’ (assuming ‘communities’ are as naturally separate as ‘nations’). A radical alternative to such post-racist communalism, however, is the ‘Human Rights’ approach of the Soros-funded Open Society Institute and its protégé, the European Roma Rights Centre in 1996, defending individuals’ rights on the basis of their common humanity, not as a privilege of membership of a state or ethnic group. (Acton 2010). We agree with Ram (2010) that Roma civil society has grown in its effectiveness in the past decade as a transnational lobbying tool. It has played an important part in pushing the issue up the political agenda, establishing the expectation that a vibrant Roma Civil society will have an important role to play in changing perceptions by feeding into deliberative processes at the local, national and transnational level. More than this, however, it could play an important role in resisting the general threat to the European ideals of solidarity, identified by Habermas (2011), from technocratic and authoritarian responses to the economic crisis. Habermas suggests that a greater democratic willingness of European citizens to support each other would lead to an increasing ‘uniformity of living standards’ in Europe based on distributive justice. He warns that ‘...a political integration backed by social welfare is necessary if the national diversity and the incomparable cultural wealth of … ’old Europe’ is to enjoy any protection against levelling in the midst of a rapidly progressing globalisation’ (Habermas, 2011). This paper argues that the key to building this civic solidarity is a robust concept of a Social Europe, within which the EU sets out bold and ambitious policies. Assertive action at the European and local level can only be nurtured and sustained if supported by engagement and debate. In this battle of ideas social movements and empowerment networks based on broad coalitions of interests (Bailey, 2008), which are cosmopolitan and diverse (Kriegman, 2006), have a pivotal role as a counterpoint to the political ‘othering’ of Roma and narrow nation-building through the politics of xenophobia and scapegoating.

    In-text: (Acton and Ryder, 2013)

    Your Bibliography: Acton, T. and Ryder, A., 2013. Roma Civil Society: Deliberative Democracy for Change in Europe.

  • Book

    Alietti, A., Olivera, M. and Riniolo, V.

    Virtual citizenship?

    2015 - McGraw-Hill Education - Milano

    The notable amount of socio-economic data, political evaluations and monitored racist and xenophobic activity that has been collected, often from a comparative perspective, constitutes a unique corpus in the broader debate concerning ethnic minorities and immigrant populations. The specific choice of dealing with the “Roma problem” as a different topic may be explained by various reasons. The Roma communities have always called to mind images of disorder and threat, on account of their presumably nomadic style of life, on the borderline between legality and illegality, contrary to the rules and regulations of the gagè society.1 An absolute and distant otherness, for which a “special treatment” is necessary, that does not conform to normal practices of integration and citizenship. A similar differentiation in policy has contributed, in real and symbolic terms, to maintaining isolation and to keeping at a distance. This has worsened the chances of emerging from poverty and from the circuits of exclusion in which the more disadvantaged groups of Roma find themselves. The eastwards expansion of the EU has proved another determining factor, not only for the strong presence of Roma citizens in this area, but also because of the deprivation and discrimination that they experience. (p. 1) The promulgation of the National Roma Integration Strategies by the European Commission in April 2011 is the final step in a long series of interventions, recommendations, and projects put into being over the years and addressed at old and new member countries with the purpose of bringing about a radical transformation in the policies adopted. Nevertheless, the outcome of this integrated plan of intervention does not seem, up to now, to have triggered off a virtuous circle in the different national contexts. (p. 1) Furthermore, in contrast with this positive framework, there has been an increase in episodes of intolerance and of hate speeches on the part of political parties and of extreme-right national movements in a large number of old and new EU members. The hostility against Roma is becoming a powerful instrument for political legitimization and for electoral consensus that has not found adequate restraints yet. (p. 1) Paraphrasing the title of a well-known Italian film of the ‘70s, the tzigane communities are portrayed, in most cases, as ugly, dirty and bad.1 These negative characteristics, usually attributed to the Roma,2 are the result of a long and articulated historical process involving the construction of a nomad otherness on which a continuous policy of persecution, segregation and exclusion, culminating in the Nazi genocide, has been based.3 The recurrent image of their cultural distance from the rules of human society, of the impossibility of their assimilation, pervades, with few differences, the hegemonic public discourse system in contemporary European societies. In this sense, we can affirm that the construction of Roma culture is subordinated to the dominant Western concept of civilization, whereby the idea of a “civilizing offensive” or “civilizing project” has been established (Powell, 2010). The civilizing project is grounded on the perception that “they are undeserving and responsible (at least in part) for their own marginal position within society” 1The film was directed in 1976 by Ettore Scola, who won the best director award at the Cannes Film Festival in the same year. The film tells the story of a family living in a “shanty town” in the suburbs of Rome, a situation similar to that which is still experienced today by a part of the Rome community. ( p. 11) 2 In the EU, the term Roma is used as an umbrella-term including groups of people who have more or less similar cultural characteristics, such as the Sinti, the Camminanti, the Kalé, the “Gens du voyage”, etc. whether sedentary or not (Council of Europe, 2012). So, we use consciously the term Roma as “a short-hand designation for a range of diverse ethnic, linguistic and religious, socially, politically and economically marginal groups across Europe” (Tremlett, McGarry, 2013: 7-8). 3 Porrajamos is the term by which the nazi genocide of Roma is defined. (p. 11) Roma’s representations portray Roma not just as different people, who multiculturalist policies should be able to accommodate, but as “agents of disorder” or as bearers of an unspecified threat to national identity (Stewart, 2012). (p. 11) is necessary to take into account different analyses, discourses and public agencies and civil society’s actors. In the last twenty years, extensive research has been carried out on this issue, and various reports from different sources (universities, NGOs, transnational advocacy agencies) have shown how these populations are the most excluded and discriminated minority in Europe. In line with this reality and urgency, a variety of policies and projects have been set up recently for their inclusion and for fighting discrimination at the European, national and local levels through the involvement of large numbers of European and international organizations (the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, UNDP), Roma and pro Roma NGOs. The results of these positive efforts do not seem to have improved substantially the situation of the majority of Roma people who live in disadvantaged conditions (European Commission, 2013). On the contrary, the anti-Gypsyism rhetoric and the processes of exclusion seem to have further strengthened. If, on the one hand, the Roma have never been so high up in the political agenda of the European Union and of the member states, focusing on the particular problems confronting Roma, on the other hand, animosity and violence against Roma have never been so prevalent (MacGarry, 2013). ( p. 12) Today, this “troubling” presence constitutes the greatest minority in Europe with a number varying between 10-15 million people, characterized by different languages, traditions, legal status, socio-economic conditions and degrees of inclusion. To reliably estimate the Rome population and their real social and economic situation is difficult for many reasons; mostly because of the fear of declaring oneself as a member of a stigmatized group, and because of a general problem of administrative definition concerning who is a Rom or not (Ivanov, 2012; Brown, Dwyer and Scullion, 2012; Messing, 2014). The document drafted by the Council of Europe estimates a minimum, maximum and average number of Roma groups divided by Europe, the European Union and the Council of Europe, As it can be seen from table 1, the average estimate for 4 The recent document of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI, 2008) refers to anti-Gypsyism as a specific form of racism, an ideology founded on racial superiority, a form of dehumanization and institutional racism nurtured by historical discrimination, which is expressed, among other things, by violence, hate speech, exploitation, stigmatization and the most blatant kind of discrimination. For a important discussion on Anti-Gypsysm in Europe see Stewart (2014) and Agarin (2014) (p. 13) The research realized in Central Europe by the Open Society points out that “non-Roma respondents consistently expressed negative views of the Roma overall, describing the Roma as dishonest, aggressive, un-hygienic, lacking work ethic, unemployed, poorly educated, and prone to criminality” (Open Society Institute, 2005). In the national Shadow Reports published by European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), the Roma and Traveller populations are recognised as highly discriminated in large parts of Eastern and Western Europe, although the size and composition of this differ across EU member states (ECRI, 2014). (p. 16) 2005 􀂃 “Decade of Roma” inclusion established 2007 􀂃 European Agency for fundamental Rights (FRA) established 􀂃 European Parliament Resolution on European Strategy on the Roma 2008 􀂃 First European Roma summit (Brussel, 16th September) 􀂃 European Commission Staff Working Document of 2 July 2008 on Community instruments and policies for Roma inclusion 2009 􀂃 European Platform for Roma inclusion established setting out the 10 common basic principles for Roma inclusion 􀂃 Council Conclusion for Roma of 28 May on the inclusion of Roma 􀂃 European Parliament resolution on the social situation of the Rom Ugly, dirty and bad: representations, living conditions and policies of Roma across Europe 21 and their improved access to the labour market in the EU 2010 􀂃 European Commission Staff working Document on the Roma in Europe, the implementation of European Union Instruments and Policies for Roma Inclusion, Progress Report 􀂃 Second EU Roma summit, Cordoba April 􀂃 Council Conclusion on promoting Roma inclusion 􀂃 Third EU Platform for Roma inclusion in Brussels, June 􀂃 Fourth EU Platform for Roma inclusion in Brussels, December 2011 􀂃 EU framework for national Roma integration strategies for 2020 Council for European Union Conclusions and European Commission Communication 􀂃 European Parliament resolution on the EU strategy on Roma inclusion 􀂃 Fifth EU Platform for Roma Inclusion, November 􀂃 Sixth EU Platform for Roma Inclusion, April 2012 􀂃 European Commission Communication on National Roma Integration Strategies: a first step in the implementation of the EU Framework (May) 􀂃 Special meeting of the EU Platform for Roma Inclusion, March Brussels 2013 􀂃 Eighth EU Platform for Roma Inclusion June Brussels European Commission Communication on Steps forward in implementing the National Roma Integration Strategy 􀂃 Council Recommendation on effective Roma integration measures in the Member States 􀂃 European Parliament Resolution on the progress made in the implementation of National Roma Integration Strategies (p. 20-21) In this perspective, it is important to note the emergence of several Roma NGOs and informal bodies, promoting the rights of Roma people and fighting against discrimination across the EU member states such as the European Roma and Travellers Forum (ERTF), the European Roma Information Office (ERIO) or the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC). Moreover, these NGOs together with transnational advocacy have created the European Roma Policy Coalition (ERPC), an informal network at the EU level for sustaining and monitoring the effects of the efforts undertaken.8 The existence of a European network must also be indicated: formed in 2007 on the initiative of the Spanish government, it is called the European Network on Social Inclusion and Roma under the Structural Funds (EURoma) and it has the purpose of promoting both the exchange of information, experiences and strategies and the employment of structural funds, as an instrument available to the member States so as to plan and implement policies aimed at strengthening social 8 The ERPC is composed by Amnesty International, the European Network Against Racism, the European Roma Grassroots Organizations Network, the European Roma Information Office, the European Roma Rights Centre, the Fundación Secretariado Gitano, the Open Society Institute, the Minority Rights Group International, the Policy Centre for Roma and Minorities, and the Roma Education Fund. (p. 21) Other important resources are the European Academic Network on Romani Studies and the Ad hoc committee of Experts on Roma Issues (CAHROM) with the aim of analysing the inclusion and anti-Gypsyism policies adopted in the member states and promoting Roma culture. (p. 22) A 2012 study produced by the European Roma Policy Coalition, under the rotating chairmanship of the ENAR, revealed that many of the national strategies were deeply flawed, reflecting a complete lack of political will to support Roma inclusion. The study criticised the lack of attention paid by governments to the National Roma Integration Strategies, both in their design and implementation, as was obvious from the lack of specific targets, evaluation and monitoring mechanisms, budget setting, or assignment of responsible authorities/contacts. The European Commission also assessed the National Roma Integration Strategies in May 2012 and concluded that insufficient progress had been made (European Roma Policy Coalition, 2012). (p. 27) A fundamental principle discernible in advanced policies at the European level is the activation of direct participation of the Roma communities and of the associations linked with them. This programmatic intent is in line with an idea of public and social policies directed towards an expansion of the actors and stakeholders involved, in the wa􀁖e of a governance action aimed at defining the intervention strategies. (p. 29) As previously recalled, the active participation of the Rom􀁁 community is one of the ten points of the Common Basic Principles on Roma inclusion and one of the guide-lines in the planning of the national strategies of the member countries. The objective of a progressive empowerment of marginalized and discriminated subjects through their direct participation may be collocated on a rhetorical more than on a real level of involvement, even in those European countries where political Rom􀁁 actors are present and active, such as the Eastern and Central Eu-rope countries. The reasons are obvious and reflect an institutionalized condition of exclusion from local governments having reduced the ability for self-organization and mobilisation from below. (p. 39) Some analysts point out how the high expectations in declared European Roma policy regarding their organization and participation in the democratic process and in policy making ignore the historical past and the absence of such traditions among Roma communities (Acton, Ryder A. and Rostas, 2013): As has been discussed, as the rights of Roma have progressively become more important at the European level, different Roma NGOs have merged as actors for articulating demands for equality and social inclusion at the transnational level. The role of Roma NGOs and associations as mediators between different transnational and national public actors and the Roma is decisive in building and implementing an effective strategy, but there remain some problems linked to the mobilization of the communities within the framework of European integration policies. Firstly, as previously highlighted, Roma NGOs have constructed a transnational identity for Roma in Europe, who are treated from an ethnic point of view as “other”, as not constitutive of the dominant nation, by different government and societies (McGarry, 2011, Source, 2013). There is an implicit confirmation of a symbolic order that crystalizes the racialization (p. 31) Ensuring representation of a deeply marginalised community that lacks familiarity with political organisations presents serious challenges. The present low levels of formal Roma community organisation and the weak links with actual Roma communities of existing advocacy networks weaken 􀁂􀁍􀁍 attempts in European society to mobilise these marginalised people. Therefore, there are few alternatives to Roma NGOs and for this reason there is a need “for a long-term programme to transform NGOs into grassroots-based and knowledgeable partners for local and 32 Section 1 - Chapter 1 national governments and international organizations” (Acton, Ryder, Rostas, 2013). Last, but not least, a lot of Roma NGOs have reported that their participation in the different work tables is usually a mere token presence and not a real and shared process of policy-making (Ram, 2014). So, the Roma civil society continues to remain fragile and its “counterdiscourses” are marginalized (Trehan, 2009: 54). The emancipation of Roma people in general and the improvement of the living conditions of the most excluded groups pass through a strong participation in the civil, social and economic areas. All institutions both at the national and local levels must provide the conditions for the building of democratic arenas where conflicts can find a solution and widespread discrimination can be reduced. This challenge is not sufficient to mitigate the negative effects of socio-spatial segregation within a neoliberal order, but it could be a real transition toward a different practices of integration and unavoidable mobilization of Roma. (p. 31-32)

    In-text: (Alietti, Olivera and Riniolo, 2015)

    Your Bibliography: Alietti, A., Olivera, M. and Riniolo, V., 2015. Virtual citizenship?. Milano: McGraw-Hill Education, pp.1-37, 135-180.

  • Dissertation

    Beaudoin, J.

    Challenging Essentialized Representations of Romani Identities in Canada


    This chapter begins with this incident because it provides a recent example of media discourse that specifically frames some of the representation issues facing Roma in Canada, which in turn inform identity processes. It also highlights some of the issues regarding public assumptions of knowledge regarding refugees and identities in the media. Levant unquestioningly absorbed and reproduced the official discourse that has been put forth by government officials—summarily, accusing all Roma as “bogus” refugees and criminals—which echoes and draws upon long-standing and wellentrenched racial/cultural stereotypes against Gypsies in public discourse. Quotes and excerpts from the Levant incidence often serve as a springboard for the main sections in this chapter to reiterate these points. (p. 156) Historically, there has been a lack of Romani voices and/or representations reflecting their own perspectives or experiences. Today, such voices are needed more than ever in order to more accurately reflect the Canadian “multicultural” society in which Roma live; Romani voices are needed as well to counter the well-entrenched racial ideologies as already described. Some allies and other non-Romani sources have partly addressed this lack of Romani perspective in the media, who are aware of Romani issues and are sympathetic to and/or outraged by the biased and unequal human rights protection witnessed. (p. 219) Agency can be broadly understood as the ability to act or make independent choices, while acknowledging there are factors of influence that limit, restrict, determine, or otherwise open up one’s available choices or engagements with the world. (p. 220) Understanding voice as a critical aspect of agency means that a similar understanding is useful regarding the absence of voices as well. In many cases, people choose to be silent, and the underlying causes vary with context. (p. 221) Historically, Roma have been denied the right or ability to participate in history making, media-scapes, and political processes. Through relatively recent actions spanning the past few decades, Roma have been increasingly asserting their own representations, information, and messages 112 . This is not an easy task, given they must challenge Gypsy stereotypes while simultaneously reaffirming and defining their own diverse priorities and community needs. (p. 293) Now, with newfound access to media-scapes and institutional support driven by advocacy projects, Roma are fighting to re-learn and re-tell their histories within the larger master narratives. (p. 295) The phrase “nothing about us, without us” is now a popular refrain among the Romani community, which succinctly describes the priority that is placed on their involvement in areas such as research, journalism, and humanitarian work. (p. 297)

    In-text: (Beaudoin, 2014)

    Your Bibliography: Beaudoin, J., 2014. Challenging Essentialized Representations of Romani Identities in Canada. Doctor of Philosophy. Western University.

  • Journal

    Beluschi-Fabeni, G., Viktor Leggio, D. and Matras, Y.

    A lost generation? Racialization and stalled social mobility in a group of Roma migrants in teh UK

    2018 - Migration Studies

    for example, speak of a generation of exclusion among Mexican Americans, showing how the second generation attains working class status while the following generations do not progress further. They consider social mobility to be an outcome of migrants’ assimilation in a wide range of structural, cultural and political dimensions of the host society, identifying education as the central variable leading to intergenerational change. Racialization on the part of the host society, however, limits migrants’ opportunities, particularly in educational settings where teachers ‘convey the message that Mexican Americans are less worthy’ (Ortiz and Telles 2012: 54). As a consequence of low educational achievements, Mexican Americans thus remain largely confined to low-income employment and rarely leave the ethnically homogeneous neighbourhoods in which they grew up. However, opportunities for intergenerational mobility also depend on the barriers that confront the children of migrants, such as racism and the constraints of a bifurcated labour market. In addition, mobility trajectories depend on migrants’ social capital, i.e. their opportunities to obtain resources through relations with other individuals (p. 3) It has been observed that, like other migrants, Roma see migration as an opportunity for personal upward social mobility (Grill 2012, 2016) and to secure a better future for their children (Pantea 2012). Roma migrants generally engage in low-skilled ‘precarious’ employment or informal activities. Assessing the experiences of Roma migrant women, Pantea (2012: 1252) states that there is little evidence that Roma are gaining upward social mobility abroad, but that migration is a way of gaining social mobility at home. A common pattern of investment of remittances, attributed to the negative reception in the destination countries or part of a strategy of short-term, repeated migrations for seasonal employment, has also been observed. It generally involves the creation of small family businesses (cf. Toma et al. 2017), the education of ‘left-behind’ children (cf. Benedik et al. 2013; Toma et al. 2017), and the construction of new houses (cf. Benarrosh-Orsoni 2015; Grill 2016; Tesa˘r 2016), which often enables residential desegregation (Toma et al. 2017). Invariably, the effects of social mobility at home have been discussed in connection with the renegotiation of individual and group identities, such as changes in gender relations (Pantea 2012) and in the relationship with the majority population (Benarrosh-Orsoni 2015; Grill 2016; Tesa˘r 2016; Toma et al. 2017). In line with Piore’s analysis, these studies show that the first generation of Roma migrants engage with their communities of origin, and are set on improving their social status there and are therefore willing to accept a low occupational status in the migration country. The lack of an explicit intergenerational approach, however, leaves open the question as to how the growing number of Roma raised as migrants or born to migrant parents are achieving social mobility. (p.4) Roma are minorities even in their countries of origin, where they are the object of racialization and discrimination. The racialization of Roma is a phenomenon dating back to the early modern age and resting on stereotypical images of ‘Gypsies’ as untrustworthy nomads 4 of 21  G. B. FABENI, ET AL. Downloaded from by guest on 27 March 2018 prone to crime (Matras 2015a). In Eastern Europe, historical patterns of residential segregation across ethnic lines have often compounded stereotypes with particular neighbourhoods. Many Roma thus suffer from the effects of ‘territorial stigmatization’, a process whereby social discredit is linked to space and residents of disparaged districts are ‘painted in darker and more exotic hues that their demography warrants’ (Wacquant et al. 2014: 1274). This, in turn, underpins discrimination by the wider population, as well as the deployment by government actors of restrictive measures, which further limit opportunities for residents of ‘bad neighbourhoods’. (p. 4-5) This parallel confirms how migration and education policies that target a particular ethnic community and which are driven by ideological pre-dispositions and stereotypes constrain the social mobility trajectories of migrants. At a time of increased flows of migrants whose culture is seen as problematic by the receiving populations, this observation calls into question the validity of targeted interventions that embrace rather than counteract racial stereotypes. Such policies risk the exclusion or early dropout of young migrants from the training required to access the higher tiers of the contemporary labour market, and the creation of ‘lost generations’ of young migrants whose prospects of social mobility are curtailed. The case of the Kangljari children who attended school in the UK suggests that interventions that are flagged as supporting migrant inclusion but are based on racialized images may have similar effects, as they limit both educational outcomes and employment expectations. (p. 17)

    In-text: (Beluschi-Fabeni, Viktor Leggio and Matras, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Beluschi-Fabeni, G., Viktor Leggio, D. and Matras, Y., 2018. A lost generation? Racialization and stalled social mobility in a group of Roma migrants in teh UK. Migration Studies, pp.1-19.

  • Website


    2018 - Council of Europe

    In-text: (ROMACT, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: 2018. ROMACT. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 6 June 2018].

  • Website

    Home | ROMED

    2018 - Council of Europe

    In-text: (Home | ROMED, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: 2018. Home | ROMED. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 21 June 2018].

  • Journal

    Cools, P., Viktor Leggio, D. and Oosterlynck, S.

    Parity of Participation" and the Politics of Needs Interpretation: Engagement with Roma Migrants in Manchester

    2018 - Journal of Social Policy

    Since the early 1990s, the presence of Roma migrants in Western European countries triggered heated public debates,which often centred on their impact on the welfare state and community cohesion (see Matras, 2000; Nacu, 2012; Clark, 2014). (p. 2) policies.Much like poverty reduction or development,migrant inclusion initiatives tend to flag ‘participation’ or ‘engagement’ and claim to pursue the ‘empowerment’ or ‘emancipation’ of excluded communities.However, these ‘warmly persuasive and fulsomely positive’ words are not neutral and can be filled with ‘very different meanings’ (Cornwall and Brock, 2005: 1043, 1056). (p. 2) The Roma’s relationship with welfare institutions is an interesting case, since public discussions of Roma needs and identity are characterised by a noticeable absence of mandated Roma representatives (Matras, 2013). Indeed, a growing number of (‘expert’) actors make claims on behalf of the Roma, while the Roma themselves remain underrepresented in many key positions and platforms with little control over their public image (McGarry, 2014).Cases have been described in which NGOs and social workers ‘colonise’ needs interpretations on behalf of the Roma (Trehan, 2001; Timmer, 2010;Matras et al., 2015). Fraser’s framework is therefore useful for our investigation.While it does not prescribe which actors or discourses have legitimacy or responsibility to intervene in the process of needs interpretation, the notion of ‘parity of participation’ offers a tool to ground the analysis in a normative concern for equality and autonomy. (p. 6) claims about the nature of the Roma community and its needs. It also shows how the Roma community and other actors were involved in the process of identifying, naming and claiming needs. Through a ‘meaning oriented’ analytical frameworkwe critically assessed the discussions about ‘emancipatory’ social work strategies for marginalised groups. Drawing on Fraser’s different types of discourses and ‘moments’ in the politics of needs interpretation, and analysing how different actors use the sociocultural means of interpretation and communication at their disposal to develop need discourses, we have shown how Roma migrants evolved as a public concern in Manchester and how local Roma policy fragmented into ‘two strands’, each supported by actors within the local authority and expert discourses. In terms of thresholds to ‘participatory parity’, the tension between the two alliances arose around issues of cultural misrepresentations, lack of political representation in the Roma community and the different roles played by experts.We showed how the combination of a ‘politics of needs’ perspective with the concept of ‘parity of participation’ allows a critical appreciation and comparison of different projects that claim legitimacy through their expert discourses and their relations with the target population and authorities. (p. 16) The Manchester case highlights a tension between treating migrant groups as equals, and trying to empower them to participate as equals, which was apparent in both alliances. It appears that such tensions are unavoidable and best dealt with by explicitly discussing the meaning of empowerment with target group members, and through a strong commitment to parity of participation through a redistribution of sociocultural means of interpretation and communication. In Manchester this was realised by opening up networks and (professional) positions to target groupmembers, by supporting them to get acquainted with established policy and administrative vocabularies and allowing them to partake in need identification and introduce alternative arguments and narratives into the mainstream debates and institutions. Categorical policies that claim to capacitate communities can help to dissolve thresholds to participatory parity, but they also risk reproducing perceived differences and culturally essentialist perceptions that impede genuine autonomy. The categorisation on which service provision and engagement strategies are based has a real impact on the structuring of social relations and the reproduction of inequality. Putting time limits on such interventions, supporting selfrepresentation and favouring knowledge alliances that include representatives of authorities and deprived groups as equal partners in a dialogical process, are key ingredients for realising parity of participation through local social inclusion strategies. (p. 15)

    In-text: (Cools, Viktor Leggio and Oosterlynck, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Cools, P., Viktor Leggio, D. and Oosterlynck, S., 2018. Parity of Participation" and the Politics of Needs Interpretation: Engagement with Roma Migrants in Manchester. Journal of Social Policy, 47(2), pp.1-18.

  • Journal

    Cretan, R. and Powell, R.

    The Power of Group Stigmatization: Wealthy Roma, Urban Space and Strategies of Defence in Post-socialist Romania

    2018 - International Journal of Urban and Regional Research

    In-text: (Cretan and Powell, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Cretan, R. and Powell, R., 2018. The Power of Group Stigmatization: Wealthy Roma, Urban Space and Strategies of Defence in Post-socialist Romania. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, [online] pp.423-440. Available at: <> [Accessed 2 June 2018].

  • Govt. publication

    Department of Justice and Equality

    National Traveller and Roma Inclusion Strategy 2017-2021

    2018 - Department of Justice and Equality - Dublin

    The European Commission and the Council of Europe tend to use “Roma” as an umbrella term to refer to a number of different groups (such as Roma, Sinti, Kale, Gypsies, Romanichels, Boyash, Ashkali, Egyptians, Yenish, Dom and Lom) and also include Travellers, without denying the specificities and varieties of lifestyles and situations of these groups (p. 15) According to a Press Release (dated 28 June 2016) from the European Court of Auditors, EU policy initiatives and EU-funded projects to promote Roma integration have made significant progress but there are still obstacles and dilemmas which prevent the money from having the greatest possible impact with one of the most marginalised groups in Europe. In their special report Number 14/2016 entitled “EU policy initiatives and financial support for Roma integration: significant progress made over the last decade but additional efforts needed on the ground”, SEE PRINT OUT

    In-text: (Department of Justice and Equality, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Department of Justice and Equality, 2018. National Traveller and Roma Inclusion Strategy 2017-2021. Dublin: Department of Justice and Equality, pp.9-42.

  • Presentation or lecture

    Desbiens, C.

    Race and Difference: Representing the "Other": Intercultural Geography

    Universita Deli Studi Di Bergamo

    INTERCULTURAL GEOGRAPHY : HOW DO WE LIVE WITH ONE ANOTHER BUT, MORE IMPORTANTLY, HOW DO WE LIVE WITH THE “OTHER”? (p. 2) The idea of representation is a theatrical one: the Orient is the stage on which the whole East is confined. On this stage will appear figures whose role it is to represent the larger whole from which they emanate. The Orient then seems to be, not an unlimited extension beyond the familiar European world, but rather a closed field, a theatrical stage affixed to Europe. An Orientalist is but the particular specialist in knowledge for which Europe at large is responsible... » (p. 363) SAID COMITÉ PARITAIRE ESSIPIT April 24 2012 Master’s Degree in Planning and Management of Tourism Systems Page 5 « Racism is spatially as well as socially constituted. » (Edward Said, Orientalism, 1979, p. 3) « Who is felt to belong and not to belong contributes in an important way to the shaping of social space. » (p. 3)

    In-text: (Desbiens, n.d.)

    Your Bibliography: Desbiens, C., n.d. Race and Difference: Representing the "Other": Intercultural Geography.

  • Website

    Dolan, N.

    The Roma in Ireland: some facts, illustrated

    2014 - Trinity News

    ollecting data on Roma populations is challenging; as a result, the numbers of Roma are underestimated in state census statistics across Europe. There are a number of explanations for this: the erasure of ethnic identity in census forms and statistics collection, difficulties in identifying the Roma people by their living situation when not all are nomadic, and an understandable reluctance to tell officials that they belong to a group continually subjected to state-sanctioned racial discrimination. Compounding this issue is the fact that Ireland has never produced official statistics on its Roma population. Estimates place the number of Roma in Ireland between 2,500 and 3,000. The majority appear to be predominately from Romania (though it is important not to conflate the two). Others come from the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Hungary, the former Yugoslavia, Lithuania and Poland. Roma have migrated to Ireland since the early nineteenth century, but were first recorded as asylum seekers in the 1990s. Roma in Ireland are made up of diverse groups with a shared pattern of ethnic belonging. Many experience racism on a daily basis. Historically, Irish state policies aimed at the Roma have been characterised both by outright human rights violations and by a more passive (but damaging) lack of cultural awareness. An OSCE report notes that “countless programmes for Roma have been destined to fail because they were developed without Roma participation, and correspondingly, with scant awareness of the specific culture and needs of the intended beneficiaries”. n order to tackle these issues, the report suggested a number of approaches designed to foreground the “importance of the extended, intergenerational family-group learning environment in Roma culture”. These suggestions include establishing/building a link between the home and education institutions for adults and children, understanding traditional social and cultural roles maintained by the majority of Roma families in Ireland, providing programmes for Roma men that have specific work-related outcomes and programmes for women that reflect childcare responsibilities and socialisation roles, and taking a family learning approach to language and literacy development. While acknowledging that the educational access issues facing the Roma in Ireland are “long-standing, complex and multi-faceted”, the report ultimately highlighted that “innovative and inclusive education services, projects and programmes for Roma adults and children are emerging throughout Europe and Ireland” and that such provisions are achievable “if cultural and social factors as well as historical experiences are taken into consideration”. In other words, majority populations and their policy-makers should ask more and presume less.

    In-text: (Dolan, 2014)

    Your Bibliography: Dolan, N., 2014. The Roma in Ireland: some facts, illustrated. [online] Trinity News | Ireland's Oldest Student Paper. Available at: <> [Accessed 12 June 2018].

  • Website

    Embury-Dennis, T.

    Italy's deputy PM called for 'mass cleansing, street by street, quarter by quarter', newly resurfaced footage reveals

    2018 - The Independant

    In-text: (Embury-Dennis, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Embury-Dennis, T., 2018. Italy's deputy PM called for 'mass cleansing, street by street, quarter by quarter', newly resurfaced footage reveals. [online] The Independent. Available at: <> [Accessed 23 June 2018].

  • Website

    2015: George Soros looks back on the Decade of Roma Inclusion - European Roma Rights Centre

    2018 - European Roma Rights Centre

    After the collapse of Communism and the lack of a socio-economic safety net in many countries, it was clear that marginalized groups were losing out. No one was more marginalized than the Roma. Unfortunately, the expansion of the EU did little to improve matters for Roma; their living conditions have actually deteriorated since many of them became EU citizens. At the same time, the majority population’s attitude toward Roma has become more hostile almost everywhere in Europe. All across Europe, the Roma face tremendous racism and discrimination. My foundations pursue multiple strategies toward the same end. We continue to support the development of Roma civil society, the creation of a Roma educated elite, and inclusive education for all Roma children. But these things cannot happen without changes in government policies. Because governments are not always enthusiastic about changing their policies or bearing the political cost of inclusion, it was key to promote a pan-European effort and encourage European institutions to do their part. I did not expect to reverse the impact of hundreds of years of structural poverty and discrimination in a single decade, but I hoped that participating governments would see it in their collective interest to address these problems. believe that the biggest impact we can have is through the education of Roma young people to become the next generation of leaders. Educated Roma with pride in their Roma identity can act as role models, and help to break the stereotypes that block their acceptance by the majority population. EU engagement is critical for several reasons: first, the prospect of EU membership remains a strong incentive for enlargement countries to address Roma exclusion. The more the EU can reinforce the necessity of taking concrete steps to bridge the gap between Roma and non-Roma as the price of admission, the better the chance of meaningful change. Second, the EU has vast resources that it can make available to promote inclusion, through structural funds for member states and pre-accession assistance to the enlargement countries. But governments have to take up the challenge to use those funds effectively for Roma inclusion. For the most part, they have not done so yet. Achieving real inclusion, including rights protection and empowerment, is a complex task. Education by itself is not enough. Housing won’t help if Roma lack the means to pay for it. A lasting solution requires Europe to build a Roma working class with meaningful employment opportunities. All of these things require the strong political will of governments, engagement of Roma communities, the support of the majority population, funding and technical expertise from the EU and others, and engagement by the private sector.

    In-text: (2015: George Soros looks back on the Decade of Roma Inclusion - European Roma Rights Centre, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: European Roma Rights Centre. 2018. 2015: George Soros looks back on the Decade of Roma Inclusion - European Roma Rights Centre. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 21 June 2018].

  • Presentation or lecture

    Feder, A.

    Antigypsysim: Key aspects and background of antigypsyism presented by the Alliance against Antigypsism

    2013 - Strasbourg

    Othering: the basis of antigypsyist ideology is the presumption of fundamental differences between ‘them‘ and ‘us’ which informs group construction processes and the designation of identities of those outside the group. Anti-­‐civilization: Gypsyness’ has no relation to the actual people being stigmatized as ‘gypsies’, but presents a mirror image of our societies’ dominant norms: it pronounces how its members should not behave and thus acts to discipline them. The operation of social practices of antigypsyism are deeply rooted in the institutions, cultural concepts and power structures of European societies and often result in the accumulation of multiple layers of disadvantage over a lifetime. The institutions that are suppose to protect citizens from acts of discrimination and violence in practice fail to extend the same level of protection to Roma as non-Roma, exactly because of antigypsyism. To be labeled as the "other on a daily baiss and having certain characteristics ascribed to you, has important socio-psychological effects. Responses range from: a conscious and absolute rejection of any label, to the intentional use of such labelling to an internalization of the prejudiced labelling that results in self-sterotypization or self-stimatization. Antigypsism manifests itself in many ways: from right wing to mainstream to negative and positive romantic exoticizing stereotypes, malevolent and benevolent, implicit or explicit in its intent; from denial to over acceptance.

    In-text: (Feder, 2013)

    Your Bibliography: Feder, A., 2013. Antigypsysim: Key aspects and background of antigypsyism presented by the Alliance against Antigypsism.

  • Website

    files, T., themes, T. and Team, R.

    Roma and Travellers Team

    Council of Europe

    In-text: (files, themes and Team, n.d.)

    Your Bibliography: files, T., themes, T. and Team, R., n.d. Roma and Travellers Team. [online] Council of Europe Roma and Travellers Team. Available at: <> [Accessed 6 June 2018].

  • Presentation or lecture

    Friedman, E. and Friedman, V.

    Romani worlds: Academia, policy, and modern media: Europe's Neo-Traditional Roma Policy: Marginality Management and the Inflation of Expertise

    2015 - Council of Europe

    The second is the EU’s post-1990 commitment to the social inclusion of Roma. The resulting blend might be labelled a ‘neo-traditional’ ideology, since it bears some similarities to the assumptions underlying historical policies such as the edicts of Maria Theresa and Joseph II in the late eighteenth century: It depicts Romani culture as a threat to its own people, especially to the vulnerable members of its community; it puts forward ‘trafficking’, ‘safeguarding’, ‘early and forced marriage’, and Roma’s supposed reluctance to engage with public institutions such as education and health care as being among the principal challenges facing policy. In this way the ideology makes the inclusion of Roma conditional on containment and control. The operational response is presented as ‘mediation’, which implies that individual Roma’s interactions with public institutions need to be managed by trained professionals as Roma are unable to manage these interactions themselves. (p. 30) have argued elsewhere (Matras 1998, 2000, 2013) that European policy toward Roma since 1990 has been shaped by Western reactions to the East-West migration of Roma. Two phases can be distinguished: The first followed the increase in migration in the years immediately after 1990. It was characterised by the emergence of a European discourse around the protection of Roma from human rights abuses and their empowerment in the origin countries in the East, as a way of preventing migration to the West. The second phase began with the EU enlargement in 2004 and especially in 2007. It features unease among policy makers toward the extension of freedom of movement rights to all new accession states and the legal presence of Roma migrants in the West, and an effort to alleviate what is seen as the burden that Roma impose on local authorities and local services across Europe. (p. 30) At the civil society level, the period between 1990-2007 saw an emphasis on capacity building through subsidies awarded to Romani NGOs by the EU’s PHARE programme and George Soros’s Open Society Institute, and the emergence of a ‘Roma sector’, which promoted a new European discourse on Roma (cf. Marushiakova & Popov 2005, Vermeersch 2006). It has been argued that this public discourse, strongly associated in Central and Eastern Europe with the EU accession, later provoked a backlash in the form of extremist reactions and anti-Roma incitement as disappointment with the EU grew in the years following accession (cf. Stewart 2014). (p. 32)

    In-text: (Friedman and Friedman, 2015)

    Your Bibliography: Friedman, E. and Friedman, V., 2015. Romani worlds: Academia, policy, and modern media: Europe's Neo-Traditional Roma Policy: Marginality Management and the Inflation of Expertise.

  • Website

    Gentleman, A.

    Fighting Gypsy discrimination: ‘What people ask me is insulting’

    2017 - The Guardian

    Mongan’s awareness that discrimination towards Gypsies and Travellers remains widespread prompted her to abandon her normal reserve about her background and put herself forward for a striking poster campaign launched this month and designed to force people to reassess their attitudes. While similar campaigns in the past have tended to celebrate Gypsies and Travellers for their unique culture, this time the emphasis is on highlighting ordinariness. Her picture will be on billboards beneath the headline: “mother, receptionist, swimmer, taxpayer, volunteer, traveller”. The poster asks: “We are all so many things. So why only pick on one?” Debby Kennett, chief executive of the charity London Gypsies and Travellers, which is behind the campaign, says the posters were triggered by a sense that racism towards this group continues to be tolerated. Things have not improved much in the 13 years since Trevor Phillips, then chairman of the Commission for Racial Equality, said: “Discrimination against Gypsies and Travellers appears to be the last ‘respectable’ form of racism.” “It has come from a recognition in the community that the level of racism experienced on a daily basis will only be challenged if people put their heads up,” says Kennett. “We want to get members of the public to question their prejudices. These are people who are making positive contributions. They have got lives, hobbies, jobs, they are active members of society. We want to change the narrative. The discussion previously has been about what is different about Travellers; this is focusing on what we have in common.” [Kennett] She wants to move on from a binary approach that cast Gypsies either (anachronistically) as romantic free spirits, living in wagons and picking potatoes, or as criminals; she hopes to move away from unhelpful stereotypes perpetuated by programmes like the Channel 4 documentary My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding, which “portrayed people as somehow a bit exotic and made a mockery of the community”. “No one would be stupid enough to think that everyone from Essex is like people on The Only Way is Essex but this does happen with the Gypsy and Traveller community,” she says. The BBC apologised after Orlando Bloom repeatedly used the word “pikey” during a Radio 1 interview last month. The National Gypsy-Traveller-Roma Council said his use of the “racially abusive term is worrying”, and the incident was another indication that Travellers remain casually stigmatised. Billy Smith, 19, also appears on the posters beneath the words: “brother, student, apprentice, boyfriend, gypsy”. He has finished A-levels in English, business studies and law and hopes to go to college to study computer science. He wanted to participate because he has been confronted with “racism and prejudice from a young age. You see all the hatred, and you think, ‘Where did they learn to hate like that?’” Government statistics show that Gypsy, Roma and Traveller children remain among the lowest-achieving pupils in school and Billy feels teachers did not expect him to do so well academically. Now, when he reveals his background, the first response is “shock and disbelief, because I’ve hidden it so well. I’m not their stereotypical Gypsy.

    In-text: (Gentleman, 2017)

    Your Bibliography: Gentleman, A., 2017. Fighting Gypsy discrimination: ‘What people ask me is insulting’. [online] The Guardian. Available at: <> [Accessed 8 June 2018].

  • Book

    Ian, H. and Dileep Karanth.

    Danger! Educated Gypsy

    2010 - University of Hertfordshire Press - Hatfield

    Many european-based organisations, Ian argues, refuse to acknowledge the complexity of Romani history and the reality that Roma are a global people, and not simply a collection of disparate groups scattered throughout europe. (xvii)

    In-text: (Ian and Dileep Karanth., 2010)

    Your Bibliography: Ian, H. and Dileep Karanth., 2010. Danger! Educated Gypsy. 1st ed. Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, p.I-XXI.

  • Conference proceedings

    A Big Public Debate? Gypsies, Roma and Irish Travellers in the Media

    2012 - Irish Traveller Movement in Britain - London

    Mike Jempson went on to describe how sensational, negative stories about Gypsy, Roma and Irish Travellers in local and national papers sink into the public consciousness re-enforcing prejudices and re-emerging with each new (mediapromoted) crisis. In his experience, this vicious cycle has a direct influence on journalists: “Many journalists are nervous about interviewing GRT - they are afraid of them because they have absorbed media generated stereotypes, and perhaps fear their 3 reactions.” “After being accompanied onto a site to interview residents, one local journalist was impressed but asked to have her name removed from her story in case people thought she was 'pro-Gypsy'; but others went on to create 'video diaries' to encourage dialogues between local residents and the Irish Travellers. Mike Jempson, Director MediaWise, Senior Lecturer in Journalism at the University of West England Tina Purcell, an Irish Traveller living on a site in London described the experiences of her daughter following the ‘Bigger Fatter Gypsier’ advertising campaign: “My daughter loved attending school but now she wants to stay at home. As soon as the poster went up outside her school her school friends were constantly asking her questions at school. “Is that your relatives on that poster?” “Don’t you wash?” “Why are you at school you supposed to be at home scrubbing”, “Shouldn’t you be married by now? Traveller girls get married at 14 and stay at home don’t they?”” BIg Fat Gypsy Wedding

    In-text: (A Big Public Debate? Gypsies, Roma and Irish Travellers in the Media, 2012)

    Your Bibliography: In: Summary of the Irish Traveller Movement in Britain Seminar. 2012. A Big Public Debate? Gypsies, Roma and Irish Travellers in the Media. London: Irish Traveller Movement in Britain, pp.1-8.

  • Website

    Inclusion, T.

    Traveller & Roma Communities in Ireland

    2018 - Traveller Inclusion

    In-text: (Inclusion, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Inclusion, T., 2018. Traveller & Roma Communities in Ireland. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 22 June 2018].

  • Website

    Inclusion, T.

    Traveller & Roma Communities in Ireland

    2018 - The Irish Times

    Almost half of Irish adults believe “some cultures are superior to others” while almost 20 per cent believe “some races/ethnic groups are born less intelligent”, a landmark study on attitudes to race finds. The study published on Thursday by the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) and the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission (IHREC) also finds just under 45 per cent of adults believe some races are “born harder working”. It finds Muslim and Roma people face the most antipathy, while negativity towards immigrants has been at its highest during economic downturns. Negative attitudes are greater among poorer and people with lower levels of educational attainment. Personal contact with people from immigrant backgrounds promotes a more positive attitude, it finds. “Attitudes to some migrants are much more negative than others. While 58 per cent of Irish-born people report they would allow many or some immigrants from members of the same ethnic group as most Irish people [ie white] to come to Ireland, the equivalent figures for Muslim and Roma migrants are 41 per cent and 25 per cent respectively,” says the report.

    In-text: (Inclusion, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Inclusion, T., 2018. Traveller & Roma Communities in Ireland. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 22 June 2018].

  • Website

    'Anti Roma' Facebook page removed after complaints lodged

    2018 - The Irish Examiner

    The Get Them Out Of Town page attracted the attention of Pavee Point and other anti-racism groups yesterday, by which time the page had already received more than 700 ‘likes’. In one post earlier this week the page suggested: “Maybe a small protest on Manor Street might get the attention of the gardaí. There’s a open space with benches and grass where beggers [sic] and pick pockets like to hang around and watch there [sic] victims go by.” A number of people posting on the page criticised it as racist, while others posted anti-Roma comments. Pavee Point urged people on Twitter to report the page as being in contravention of Facebook’s own community standards, and then reported just before 11am: “ ‘Get Them Out of Town’ successfully removed by Facebook. We are aware of a back-up being generated. Will update.” Despite being reported to Facebook for alleged racism and incitement to hatred, a fresh version of the page under a new name appeared within minutes. Aisling Twomey, communications officer with Pavee Point, said that the pages had been reported to gardaí by local groups and to Facebook. She said that some of the people who posted racist or inciteful comments on the pages could also find themselves reported. Regarding the number of Roma living in Waterford City, Ms Twomey said: “It seems to be a relatively small number of Roma and they seem to be particularly destitute.” This week, the chief commissioner-designate of the new Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission, Emily Logan, said that the Roma community was an example of one community which had “no idea” that human rights existed and that they were entitled to seek and obtain certain rights and entitlements. During her time as Ombudsman for Children, Ms Logan conducted an investigation into the wrongful removal from their families of two Roma children by gardaí on the mistaken assumption that they had been abducted.

    In-text: ('Anti Roma' Facebook page removed after complaints lodged, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: 2018. 'Anti Roma' Facebook page removed after complaints lodged. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 22 June 2018].

  • Website

    Minister Fitzgerald publishes Report on removal of two Roma children - The Department of Justice and Equality

    2018 - Department of Justice and Equality

    “We need a new culture of consultation. with the Roma Community; and traveller interests”. The Minister confirmed that the Implementation Group being established in response to this report will engage with and listen to voices from the Roma Community. The Minister added: “We need a new culture of understanding of the distinct challenges and needs facing the Roma Community”. The Minister committed to implementing the recommendations contained in the Report for an up-to-date assessment of need regarding the supports to be provided by the State to the Roma community. This will commence this year. The Minister concluded: “For us as a wider society, the lesson of this disturbing episode is that stereotyping of any community and the perpetuation of unfounded prejudicial myths about any sector of society must be tackled. And that each and every one of us can and must play a role in tackling such stereotypes.”

    In-text: (Minister Fitzgerald publishes Report on removal of two Roma children - The Department of Justice and Equality, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: 2018. Minister Fitzgerald publishes Report on removal of two Roma children - The Department of Justice and Equality. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 22 June 2018].

  • Report

    Kennedy, D. P.

    Roma in Ireland: A National Needs Assessment

    2018 - Department of Justice and Equality, Pavee Point - Dublin

    It has been noted by the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe that Roma migrants have often been depicted in political discourse and the media as abusing social welfare and refusing any form of integration in host societies. However, these perceptions are not supported by facts and the diversity of situations for Roma migrants is often overlooked.47 Policy responses in European countries have varied and have often been hostile, including collective expulsion, forced evictions and segregated camps for Roma.48 In other cases, destruction of Roma dwellings has been used as a method to persuade Roma to leave.49 . MigRom, ‘The immigration of Romanian Roma to Western Europe: Causes, effects, and future engagement strategies. 2013-2017’ (Project Briefing) (Manchester 2014). 45 Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (n 24). 46 MigRom (n 44). 47 Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe (n 41). 48 European Roma Rights Centre, ‘France on a Collision Course with Europe Over its Evictions Policy’ (2016) Available at:; European Roma Rights Centre, ‘Domestic Cases: Access to Housing’ (2015) Available at: access-to-housing/4407 49 Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe, ‘European migration policies discriminate against Roma people’ (Web Update) (2010) Available at: yhum3Z7bXr4A/content/european-migration-policies-discriminate-against-roma-people?inheritRedirect=false 50 Roma Support Group and Pavee Point Travellers Centre, Roma in Ireland, an Initial Needs Assessment (Dublin 2002). Prior to the mid-1990s a small number of Roma entered Ireland as seasonal short-term workers, in fruit picking or farm labouring. In the mid-1990s a number of Roma sought asylum in Ireland and in addition, some Roma sought better and permanent employment opportunities.50 Since the enlargement of the European Union, Roma have migrated to Ireland as EU citizens. Ireland now has a small population of Roma who are mainly EU citizens. Estimates of numbers resident in the State vary, usually circuiting around 5,000.51 Trying to establish accurate numbers of Roma in Ireland is difficult as most Government services do not collect data on ethnicity, and even where they do, Roma is generally not included as a named category. This includes the absence of a ‘Roma’ category in the Census under ‘ethnic/ cultural background’. Furthermore, there is no single, uniform human rights based approach to ethnic data collection in those Government services that do collect data.52 The lack of uniform, disaggregated data based on ethnicity, means there is a significant gap in reliable and comprehensive data in relation to the socio-economic situation of Roma in Ireland.53 There are some areas where ethnic data is been collected. Since 2015, ethnic data has been collected and published in primary schools through the Primary Online Database.54 According to the Department of Education and Skills circular (0023/2016) to boards of management of post-primary schools and the chief executives of education and training boards, ethnic data is now required to be returned to the Department of Education and Skills by schools from 2016/17 onwards. Additionally, an ethnic identifier was implemented in the Social Inclusion and Community Activation Programme in 2015 (SICAP – See section 1.9).55 In this context Ireland has developed a new National Traveller and Roma Inclusion Strategy (NTRIS) 2017 – 2021.64 The new Strategy is to be monitored by the NTRIS Steering Group. Chaired by the Minister of State at the Department of Justice and Equality, the NTRIS Steering Group is comprised of officials from relevant Departments, and Traveller and Roma civil society representatives. A Roma committee, established in June 2016 as the first national level structure with Roma representation from across the country, will also play a role in monitoring the implementation of the NTRIS Equality of condition, on the other hand, refers to substantive equality, focusing on outcome. This looks beyond whether people are treated the same by policies or practices, to the impact and effect of such practices. It recognises that equal treatment may mean that dominant and subordinate groups are treated differently.8 Essentially this means that treating people equally does not necessarily mean treating people the same. This is important for Roma as it is cognisant of the need to recognise historic and socially based differences in order to further equality. A substantive understanding of equality acknowledges that discrimination may be so entrenched against certain groups that this may infer a positive obligation on the Government to provide systematic remedies to past injustices. (p. 31) An equality perspective looks to the achievement of substantive equality for the Roma communities in Irish society; so that Roma of all ages, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, ability, religion and civil status can enjoy equality. These interlinked concepts provided a framework for analysing (p. 32) 93.3% of respondents reported feeling discriminated against in accessing accommodation. In some cases, respondents stated that landlords said they do not accept Roma tenants, but in other cases, people would simply be told that the accommodation was now taken. Service providers also reported witnessing direct discrimination with landlords refusing to accept Roma as tenants. When in accommodation, 66.3% of the respondents reported feeling discriminated against by a landlord or local authority. In focus groups, the participants explained that the current housing crisis in Ireland was aggravating the situation as it was a ‘landlords’ market’. (p. 52) 74% of respondents reported feeling discriminated against in shops, restaurants, pubs and other social venues. They highlighted being denied entry to shops or being followed around by security staff while they shop. A 39 year old woman described her experience: ‘When I was in a shop the bodyguard put me out of the shop. He told me to go to your country and too many things’. Several Roma participants in a focus group reported how they were repeatedly and frequently stopped in shops and had their bags checked. A 32 year old man, who has been living in Ireland for five years and felt in general that is a good place to live, reported: One man reported a similar experience: ‘When I go to [name of shop] the security man follows me and my children all the time. I feel very uncomfortable’. The respondents disclosed that these experiences cause enormous emotional stress. (p. 50) 4.12 Recommendations • Take effective measures to tackle anti-Roma discrimination and racism with a priority focus on Roma women. • Take effective measures to combat anti-Roma rhetoric and hate speech where this is manifested in Ireland. • Review and reform hate crime legislation. • Examine issues in relation to the incidence of Gardaí ID checks. • Support intercultural and anti-racism training (which includes a focus on Roma) for service providers at all levels. This should be monitored through public sector reporting under Section 42 of the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission Act 2014. Agencies providing essential public services to Roma should be prioritised. • Train and resource a network of community workers to work with Roma in areas including health, education, employment, accommodation, justice, human rights and equality. • Fund an initiative to ensure Roma are aware of their rights, how to exercise them and how to make complaints. (p. 57)

    In-text: (Kennedy, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Kennedy, D., 2018. Roma in Ireland: A National Needs Assessment. Dublin: Department of Justice and Equality, Pavee Point, pp.25-32, 50-57.

  • Website

    Lawrence, S.

    The Macpherson report: summary

    1999 - The Guardian

    Police forces should reflect the cultural and ethnic mix of the communities they serve. The definition of a "racist incident" will now include incidents categorised in policing terms both as crimes and non-crimes. It will now encompass "any incident which is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person". A new Code of Practice will record all such crimes. Consideration of a revised national curriculum to prevent racism and value cultural diversity. School governors and local education authorities to create strategies for dealing with racist incidents. • Consideration of similar initiatives at a local government level.

    In-text: (Lawrence, 1999)

    Your Bibliography: Lawrence, S., 1999. The Macpherson report: summary. [online] the Guardian. Available at: <> [Accessed 22 June 2018].

  • Website

    Litchfield, J.

    Roma – the unwanted Europeans

    2017 - The Independent

    "People wonder why we come here to live like this but, for the Roma, life is much worse in Romania," he says. "In France, the children can go to school for free. They can eat at school for free. In Romania, we must pay for school. In Romania, our children die of hunger. In Romania, Roma children die every day." Mr Covaciu and his family were briefly accepted this summer as candidates for "integration" in France, even though they had breached the three months deadline for EU visitors without money or jobs. Their tolerated status has now been rescinded, without explanation. And so the Covaciu family – and all four families on the football pitch – risk a subsidised deportation back to Romania. There are relatively few Roma in France: an estimated 17,000, compared with 30,000 in Belgium, which has a sixth of France's population. They have become, nonetheless, over the past two years one of the most explosive issues in French politics – to the point of provoking a government crisis this month which further, and perhaps terminally, damaged the authority of President François Hollande. Previously a target of choice for former President Nicolas Sarkozy, the Roma have become a pet issue for a rising figure of the French Left – the popular interior minister, Manuel Valls. They are, he says, "different from us", and incapable of integrating in French society. Their fate, or "vocation", is to return to Eastern Europe, he adds. The rate of expulsion of Roma from makeshift camps in France is the same under Mr Valls and Mr Hollande as it was under Mr Sarkozy – and four times higher than in Belgium. Mr Valls's uncompromising attitude explains why Leonarda Dibrani, 15, became a cause célèbre last week for the young and the left-leaning in France. The discovery of blond children in Roma families in Greece and Ireland last week has cast further shadows of suspicion on Europe's largest and most impoverished minority. There is now evidence that Maria, the Greek "blond angel", was given up willingly at birth by an impoverished Bulgarian Roma couple. This is precisely what Maria's host family had told Greek investigators – but not before giving them several other accounts. Nothing about the Roma, it seems, is ever simple. They are the original Romanies, 12,000,000 people, living mostly in Romania and Bulgaria, descendants of emigrants from India in the Middle Ages. They have been marginalised and mistreated for centuries. The popular belief in Eastern Europe – and increasingly in Western Europe – is that they are lazy, thieving, begging, drunken misfits, whose chief industry is to produce children. "Child-stealing gypsies? It is like something from the 19th century," said Roselyne Mabille, a campaigner for the homeless in Le Havre who has taken up the cause of Roma migrants. "There are some Roma who beg and steal, but you can't smear a whole people the way Valls does. Most of the Roma are doing what you or I would do and what immigrants have always done. They are looking for a better life." An official in the Interior Ministry, speaking anonymously to The Independent on Sunday, said: "Valls has admitted that some of his words were ill chosen, but there is a Roma problem. Free movement of peoples within the EU was never expected to apply to people who are often illiterate and frequently – to put it carefully – have little aptitude for work. We already have to find room, at a time of high unemployment and budget cuts, for asylum-seekers from Syria and Africa. At least most of those want to stand on their own feet here." Whatever the politicians may say, there is a lurking Roma problem. There are 10 to 12 million Roma in Europe, who are, almost without exception, very, very poor. And only a relative trickle has reached Western Europe so far. But from next January, restrictions on work rights for Romanians and Bulgarians in France and elsewhere in the EU will end. And the more Roma who succeed in France and elsewhere, the more that will want to come. The real problem, the unspoken fear, may be that the Roma, if not actively discouraged, could be perfectly capable of integration.

    In-text: (Litchfield, 2017)

    Your Bibliography: Litchfield, J., 2017. Roma – the unwanted Europeans. [online] The Independent. Available at: <> [Accessed 2 June 2018].

  • Website

    Little, J.

    Report finds Roma in Ireland live in 'extreme poverty'


    The report found that Roma people are living in extreme poverty, in sub-standard and overcrowded accommodation, sometimes without a bathroom, kitchen or cooker and contending with rats, damp and sewerage problems. Service providers reported cases of malnutrition among young Roma children, while a further 60% of Roma respondents reported being consistently poor. The report recommends reforms to hate crime legislation. The report estimates that more than ten million Roma live in Europe, with possibly 5,000, mostly of Romanian origin, living in the Republic. It says the largest communities are living in Dublin, Louth, Kildare, Wexford, Cork, Kerry, Clare and Donegal. She said a big mistrust between the Roma Community and the State was created in 2013 when two blonde Roma children were removed from their families.

    In-text: (Little, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Little, J., 2018. Report finds Roma in Ireland live in 'extreme poverty'. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 12 June 2018].

  • Report

    Logan, E.

    Report of Ms. Emily Logan

    2014 - Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission - Dublin

    2.1.1. At 9.53am on Monday 21 October 2013, the Missing Persons Bureau at Garda Headquarters received an email regarding Child A from a member ofthe public. The subject line of the email read "Suspected Child Abduction". 2.1.2. The individual who sent the email had met Child A and his family at a festival in County Clare in July 2013. She outlined how she had stopped at one of the festival stalls so that her daughters could have their hair braided; this is where she met Child A's family. The individual wrote that the family at the stall consisted of a young couple in their twenties, an older woman and a baby. The member of the public went on to state that: While my children were getting their braids in I preoccupied myself with the little baby [Child A]. He had very blonde hair and the bluest eyes and his complexion was also fair ... I commented on his colouring and the young woman then said "ehh his grandfather" meaning he got his genes from his grandfather. Apart from the baby, all the others were completely dark in complexion, eyes and hair. 2.1.3. The email to the Missing Persons Bureau indicated that the member of the public considered the difference in appearance between the child and the rest ofthe family to be unusual. She wrote further that: (p.22) The recent news about the little girl Maria9 who was found made me realise that I should have reported it. 2.1.4. The email sent to the Missing Persons Bureau did not include the name ofthe family in question. An Garda Siochana was able to identify the family by examining the details provided to Clare County Council by the family in order to obtain a licence to trade at the festival in July 2013. The family was that of Child A, based in Athlone. The matter was therefore referred by Gardaf in County Clare to Athlone Garda Station on the afternoon of Tuesday 22 October 2013, with a request for Gardaf from that station to call to the family's home and "to make enquiries as to whether a small blonde haired baby boy is a member of their family". It was this communication that instigated the visit by members of An Garda Sfochana to Child A's home on 22 October 2013. 2.1.5. The member of the public's description ofthe case as suspected child abduction was significant as far as An Garda Sfochana was concerned. Receiving such an email through the Missing Persons Bureau caused the Gardaf in Athlone Garda Station to treat the case as a potentially high-risk situation and one requiring immediate Garda action. 2.2. Preliminary enquiries undertaken by An Garda (p. 23) Sergeant G indicated to the Inquiry that the concern raised in the email prompted her to consider whether members of the public, influenced by the international media coverage of the case in Greece, might now believe that blonde children in Roma families are all abducted. However, Sergeant G indicated that the matter relating to Child A still had to be confirmed or further examined because a concern had been ra ised. (p. 24)

    In-text: (Logan, 2014)

    Your Bibliography: Logan, E., 2014. Report of Ms. Emily Logan. Garda Siochana Act 2005 (Section 42) (Special Inquiries relating to Garda Siochana) Order 2013. Dublin: Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission.

  • Website

    Matras, Y.

    Do Roma need protection from themselves? | Romani Studies

    2016 - Council of Europe European Union

    Almost one hundred academic researchers specialising in Romani studies have signed an open letter to the Council of Europe’s Secretary General, Thorbjørn Jagland, expressing their concern about a recent Council of Europe communication announcing its new four-year Thematic Action Plan on Roma and Traveller Inclusion. They take issue with the statement’s depiction of Roma as having a pre-disposition to early marriage, violence, organised crime and begging, and say that such suggestions contribute to, rather than confront stigmatisation and prejudice. In their letter to Secretary General Jagland the academic colleagues criticise the Council of Europe’s communication from 7 March 2016 in which it announced that it will dedicate 20 million Euros to “awareness raising activities at a local level to help curb early or forced marriages, domestic violence, trafficking and forced begging in Roma communities by addressing negative consequences of such activities.” They write that this statement puts the blame for the effects of marginalisation on the Roma themselves, and request a correction from the Council of Europe clarifying that the causes of exploitation and victimisation are universal and not inherently linked to Romani society or culture, and that they should therefore be addressed globally rather than with specific reference to Roma. nteresting lessons can be learnt from the Network’s discussion and its outcome. The first is the encouraging realisation that an advocacy initiative can resonate well with academic colleagues without constraining the pluralistic character of the debate or curtailing participants’ confidence to discuss conflicting points of view openly, in a way that allows them to benefit from and capitalise on the range of insights, arguments and pieces of evidence. The fact that academic circles show a commitment to public engagement and advocacy on issues that surround public images of Roma also debunks the myth that academia is the “last stronghold of colonial, paternalist approaches to Roma”, expressed by some recent commentators writing in support of another recent Council of Europe initiative, the European Roma Institute. Indeed, while academics have taken a lead role in this particular debate, standing up against the wholesale portrayal of Roma as beggars and rapists, there has been deafening silence among the ranks of the more established Romani activist circles. This is not surprising, given the fact that Roma activists are in many cases direct beneficiaries of EU and Council of Europe funds and therefore have less freedom than academic colleagues to direct open criticism against influential European policy bodies The European Academic Network on Romani Studies is finding itself in a different position. Having been set up initially by the Council of Europe itself, it was criticised by some activists for failing to allocate a fixed representation on its elected Scientific Committee for people who self-identify as Roma. Now it has matured into a body of members who are able to engage in an organic process of open and pluralistic debate without fear of either internal splits or external repercussions.

    In-text: (Matras, 2016)

    Your Bibliography: Matras, Y., 2016. Do Roma need protection from themselves? | Romani Studies. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 6 June 2018].

  • Journal

    Matras, Y., Viktor Leggio, D. and Steel, M.

    "Roma Education" as a Lucrative Niche: Ideologies and Representations

    2015 - Zeitschrift fur internationale Bildungsforschung und Entwicklungspadagogik

    Trubeta (2013, p. 20) argues that while earlier policies focused on the Roma’s supposed failure to adopt the norms of society, modern emphasis has been shifting to a view of Roma’s inherent poverty, vulnerability vulnerability and social deprivation, to be overcome through education. This allows institutions to justify the use of education to subjugate the Roma into conformity. Education has thus become a means of both assisting and ‘civilising’ Roma, of both care and control (see also Clark 2008; New/Merry 2012). (p.10) vulnerability and social deprivation, to be overcome through education. This allows institutions to justify the use of education to subjugate the Roma into conformity. Education has thus become a means of both assisting and ‘civilising’ Roma, of both care and control (see also Clark 2008; New/Merry 2012). (p.13) One of the learning resources produced by the Actors for primary schools is the ‘Roma Box’ (Murphy 2013, p. 40). It includes stories that focus on travel, journeys, caravans, Appleby Fair, and horses, and an exercise called “We are riding on a caravan”, described as an opportunity for children to “write their own travelling stories” (ibid., p. 84). Caravan and travel were also the main themes of the ‘Culture days’ organised by the Actors for schools as part of the Gypsy, Roma, Traveller History Month. As described in Murphy (2013, p. 30–31), a ‘vardo’ (the English Gypsy term for a caravan) was parked near the school, to make schools “more positive about Roma and Traveller children and ways of life”. The documentation includes a letter from a head teacher who writes that the children enjoyed “listening to a traditional GRT story while sitting inside the Vargo [sic.]”, “making their own Bow Top Wagon models” and “designing GRT traditional patterns”. It is evident that the intervention created an image in the minds of the teachers (and pupils) of a coherent ethnic-cultural entity called ‘GRT’ (Gypsy/Roma/Travellers), which conflates groups that rarely if at all think of themselves as a single population. The Long Roads toolkit (BHA 2011) describes Gypsies as a musical, magical people. (p. 13) This complexity of positions provides a blend of dispositional effects. They include both popular romantic stereotypes of Gypsies and real experiences with Travellers. They also include a view of Gypsies as a threat, which instigates criminalisation and fears of an uncontainable influx of Roma migrants, as well as a view of Gypsies as a primordial culture that poses a threat to its own vulnerable members. At the same time we see the adoption of a European discourse on Roma that flags victimhood and in part replicates the activist narrative on Roma nationhood. In an attempt to forge an effective strategy that would secure maximum recognition of their authority, the Actors thus integrate and internalise diverse and often contradictory notions. The result is an ideology that combines imagery of romanticism as well as nationhood, of criminality as well as victimhood, and of compassion as well as paternalism, and which purports to nurture young people but at the same time pathologises their culture and their community. (p. 16)

    In-text: (Matras, Viktor Leggio and Steel, 2015)

    Your Bibliography: Matras, Y., Viktor Leggio, D. and Steel, M., 2015. "Roma Education" as a Lucrative Niche: Ideologies and Representations. Zeitschrift fur internationale Bildungsforschung und Entwicklungspadagogik, 38(1), pp.10-16.

  • Journal

    McGaughey, F., Curran, S., Fay, R., Nurse, D. and Garland, P.

    Roma Communities in Ireland and Child Protection Considerations

    2012 - Roma Seminar Series

    "Europe has a shameful history of discrimination and server repression of the Roma. There are still widespread prejudices against them in country after country on our continent." Hammarber, Former Commissioner for Human Rights for the Council of Europe (p. 4) Stereotypes and prejudices against the Roma are so deeply rooted in European culture that they are often not perceived as such and accepted as fact. The negative behaviour of one individual tends to be automatically applied to all - with no distinction either between different groups of Roma - and it is attributed to Romani Culture instead of the individual. European Network Against Racism From the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries in Europe anti-Gypsy laws existed in Western and Central Europe, and in Romania, Roma were enslaved. Efforts to expel Roma were gradually replaced in many countries with forced assimilation policies. For example, Roma were banned from wearing distinctive clothing, speaking Romani, or marrying other Roma. During the Holocaust or the Porojamos (the Roma Holocaust), it is estimated that between 500,000 and 1.5 million Roma were killed. 09 Roma had to struggle even for acknowledgement of their persecution during the Second World War. Roma were also targeted and ‘exterminated’ under fascist regimes in Italy and Romania. For centuries Roma have fled violence and persecution and this continues to this day. (p. 5) Anti-Roma rhetoric is common. For example, in France, the Government used anti-Roma sentiment to legitimise their policy of expelling Roma from France, by force if necessary. 14 The Commissioner for Human Rights for the Council of Europe has also noted that anti-Gypsyism is being exploited by extremist groups in several European countries and mob violence against Roma individuals has been reported from, for instance, the Czech Republic and Hungary.’ 15 The European Roma Rights Centre note that in this context at least 20 attacks including 10 deaths of Romani people across four countries, have been reported in the first half of 2012 alone. (p. 7) The situation of Roma in Ireland is very intricate and complex. There are an estimated 5,000 Roma in Ireland but there is very little accurate data available as Roma ethnicity is not collected in immigration, employment, or other Government statistics. Nor is Roma ethnicity included in the “Ethnic and Cultural Background” question in the Census. In any case, Roma participation in the Census is likely to be problematic given issues of social exclusion, discrimination and lack of trust in authority by many Roma. The lack of accurate information on Roma communities makes it difficult to develop effective and appropriate policies and to provide appropriate services. However, it does appear that Ireland has a relatively small Roma population compared to other Western European countries, so it should be possible to address the difficulties that they are experiencing. Roma in Ireland mostly come from Romania, but also the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland and Bulgaria. Therefore the community is very diverse in Ireland. Due to a number of recent changes such as the accession of countries into the EU in 2004 and 2007, Roma in Ireland have a variety of different statuses, depending on when they came here and what country they are originally from. In Ireland today, many Roma experience disadvantages in accessing education, health services, and employment; and experience racism, gender inequality and poverty.

    In-text: (McGaughey et al., 2012)

    Your Bibliography: McGaughey, F., Curran, S., Fay, R., Nurse, D. and Garland, P., 2012. Roma Communities in Ireland and Child Protection Considerations. Roma Seminar Series, Theme One, pp.4-21.

  • Report

    NASC, The Irish Immigrant Support Centre

    In from the Margins: Roma in Ireland, addressing the structural discrimination of the Roma Community in Ireland

    2013 - Nasc, the Irish Immigrant Support Centre - Dublin

    Ireland has a strong equality legislative framework, aspects of which go beyond the minimum standards set down in the RED. Our equality framework makes an important contribution to tackling discrimination and prejudice in Ireland. This report critically assesses the effectiveness of this framework in addressing the racism and discrimination the Roma experience in Ireland, and concludes that it fails the community across a number of areas. EU RACIAL EQUALITY DIRECTIVE - RED Prior to 2012 however, Romanian and Bulgarian nationals required a work permit in order to seek employment – these employment restrictions were removed ahead of the 2014 EU-wide deadline. In Ireland today, the difficulties Roma experience in accessing education, health, housing and employment is often exacerbated by their changing immigration status. It is our contention that the situation of the Roma in Ireland, in particular the Roma who originated from Romania, has not improved despite the acquisition of new rights attached to their relatively newly acquired EU citizenship status. One of the roots of the problem stems from the fact that there are a number of variables to be taken into consideration when examining the rights and entitlements of the Roma Community. In a modern day context Roma individuals and groups have been designated as ‘delinquent citizens’, refusing to conform or engage in societal norms. 28 Roma stereotyping and prejudice is so deeply rooted in European culture the stereotypes are often accepted as fact. 29 Nasc’s experience in working with the community on a micro level would support this contention. The prevalence of racial stereotyping and the labelling of the Roma as ‘delinquent citizens’ becomes of itself a barrier to members of the community to even raise a claim of discrimination or unequal treatment. In the context of our work we have come across a number of Roma men and women who have been denied entry to business premises, shops, and nightclubs but remained unwilling to complain or lodge a claim with the Equality Tribunal. 30 The labelling31 of a whole group as delinquent or criminal inculcates a deep sense of debilitating shame amongst members of the group which, in turn brings with it an expectation of and resignation to discrimination. It is Nasc's contention that in the Irish context, given the relatively small Roma population when contrasted with other EU states, the fact that so little has been done to address and reverse this negative stereotype which has now arguably become the dominant narrative, is in itself a wasted opportunity. This raises the uncomfortable question of whether or not this is as a result of the politics of neglect or the politics of intention . - 29 European Network Against Racism & European Roma Information Office (2011) Debunking Myths and Revealing Myths about Roma (Brussels, ENAR & ERIO). ‘Back in 1993 Vaclav Havel described the Roma issue as the litmus test for the new democracies. In 2012 it’s become a litmus test for democracies across the entire European Union. Today the reality for many Roma citizens remains one of dread and fear. The challenge facing Europe is to banish that fear, guarantee the safety and security of its citizens and ensure that the rule of law prevails without prejudice across all Member States.’ Dr. Bernard Rorke, International Research and Advocacy Director, Roma Initiatives Office, Open Society Foundations 33 . 33 Rorke, B. (2012) Killing Time: The Lethal Force of Anti-Roma Racism, available at: (date accessed: 11 May 2013). The findings of the Eurobarometer report in relation to Ireland are worth examining in greater details as they highlight the unease that exists in Irish society with regard to the Roma community. As outlined above the rate of ‘don’t know’ in response to questions is comparatively high and there is a relatively even split between positive and negative responses, which may suggest a lack of understanding or knowledge of the conditions experienced by Roma in Ireland. In Ireland, when asked if they thought the efforts made for the integration (in the fields of education, health, housing and employment) of its Roma population are effective, 34% of respondents found the efforts to be not effective, 27% moderately effective and 18% effective. 67 The survey also aimed to capture how well the Roma are accepted in the Despite these considerable efforts, it is widely recognised that strategies implemented by national governments fail to adequately address what are deeply-rooted socioeconomic problems, coupled with widespread discrimination and negative stereotyping, and have had minimal effects on combating the social exclusion of the Roma in Europe. 120 A commitment to integration and social inclusion alone is not capable of tackling discrimination and empowering this marginalised community. There is a growing recognition that governments need to learn from European-wide efforts to date and apply a more strategic and multi-faceted approach to ending discrimination against the Roma. Spain has become in many respects a ‘model’ for how other EU countries can effectively and proactively achieve integration. 121 Ireland must follow in the steps of its fellow EU member states and do the same. There are opportunities within European Union policy and legislative arenas that have the potential to move forward an enhanced plan of action for equality for Roma throughout Europe. (p. 28) Strategies for promoting integration must come from all facets of society, both at institutional and community levels. These include tackling racist behaviours and attitudes; building the capacities of this community to strengthen their access to education and employment; and fostering greater participation from this community in developing targeted integration strategies and initiatives and advocating for their rights. However strategies that do not involve Roma participation at every stage of development and implementation will not be effective. Roma must be included in the process of integration. The role of NGOs is essential in this. They act as mediators between the State and vulnerable minorities such as the Roma, advocating on their behalf, making communities rights aware and highlighting areas of discrimination. One comment from the focus groups highlights this: Interviewer: Do you feel that working with agencies like Nasc or any other, helped, or would you have been able to do it by yourself as the start? Answer: Exactly. If I had to ring myself, they don’t take into consideration what I have to say. But if I ask Nasc or [Cork City] Partnership to act on my behalf, they usually respond faster. (Focus Group Comment) Mechanisms must be put in place to ensure ththat vulnerable communities are able to avail of legal redress, as well as complaints procedures and mechanisms. Ireland has an excellent legislative framework in the form of the existing equality legislation, aspects of which are more progressive than the Racial Equality Directive and other EU antidiscrimination legislation. However in practice this framework falls far short in tackling discrimination. Where the EU Racial Equality Directive has the potential to allow NGOs and other civil society organisations to instigate an action in instances of discrimination where there is no actual victim, Ireland has limited NGO involvement to the hearing of representations or submissions from interested parties. (p. 70) 5.2.5 COMMUNITY RECOMMENDATIONS • Build the capacity of Roma to become more aware of their rights and to become advocates for those rights. • Establish and resource community integration initiatives that highlight the benefits of Roma inclusion and promote the development of a positive image of this community to combat negative stereotypes and ethnic profiling. • Establish a formal National Roma Forum, supported and funded by the Office for the Promotion of Migration and Integration. • Access to micro-credit should be encouraged in communities, for example in Credit Unions. • Raise awareness about the dangers of anti-Roma attitudes in fostering hate and exclusion in communities. 5.2.6 NGO RECOMMENDATIONS • Greater coordination of Roma-specific advocacy work carried out in the country. • Develop strategic litigation strategies and lobby policymakers at national level to highlight the discrimination this community experiences. • Develop targeted programmes to build the capacity of this community, foster inclusion and promote the participation of Roma at local, and national and international levels. (p. 73)

    In-text: (NASC, The Irish Immigrant Support Centre, 2013)

    Your Bibliography: NASC, The Irish Immigrant Support Centre, 2013. In from the Margins: Roma in Ireland, addressing the structural discrimination of the Roma Community in Ireland. Dublin: Nasc, the Irish Immigrant Support Centre, pp.8-47.

  • Website

    Let the Roma Speak for Themselves


    Based on 30 years of experience, we came to the conclusion that the situation—one of the worst cases of exclusion and discrimination based on ethnic grounds that we’d seen—would not change for the better until the Roma were able to become their own chief advocates. What these people all know is that the development of a proud sense of Roma identity and self-esteem is of paramount importance, and that official policies, while necessary, will not be sufficient to subdue the deep-seated hostility and racism directed against Roma communities. They are determined to establish within ERIAC an academy where Roma artists can come together to rebuild and further develop Roma identity and self-estem. Thirty years ago, my Foundations embarked on a mission to help the Roma overcome stigma and negative stereotypes, and to change their position in European society. We did this in part because we know that such negative stereotypes endanger not only the Roma but all of us. The right-wing political parties that stand against the Roma are the very same ones that stand against open society. I remain committed to that mission.

    In-text: (Let the Roma Speak for Themselves, 2017)

    Your Bibliography: Open Society Foundations. 2017. Let the Roma Speak for Themselves. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 21 June 2018].

  • Book

    Palmisano, A. L. and Agoni, M.

    DadA: Rivista di Antopologia Post-globale

    2015 - Autorizzazione del Tribunal civile di Trieste - Trieste

    As Martin Olivera writes «Within the actual climate of national security tensions, where Gypsies represent the most undesirable migrants par excellence [...], it seems urgent to make the nuanced points of views and analysis produced by researchers heard, in order to better deconstruct the univocal scheme that establish these populations as a “public problem” to be deal with» (Olivera 2010 b, 131). Even when they are officially citizens of a country, Rom and Sinti continue to be perceived as foreigners, aliens, outlawed presences. «The gypsies that live in the various European states, Italy included, in the great majority are formally official citizens of these countries. Behind the rhetoric of a housing solution compatible with “Roma culture” and aimed at their “social integration”, there is the will to enclose in a delimited and controlled space what is perceived as a destabilizing and dangerous otherness. “Nomad camps”, ghettos built on the city outskirts, have made Rom and Sinti even more visible in a negative sense and have contributed to increasing exclusion and marginalization14 . It is true that identifying Rom and Sinti as one single great community can lead to greater visibility and to the possibility of recognition and resources. (p.46) Rom and Sinti often share the same problems and difficulties as their fellow citizens, certainly exacerbated by a higher level of discrimination, exclusion and stigmatization. But this fact is not considered since they are constantly seen exclusively as a distinct community, a marginalised minority who generate specific problems and need particular intervention plans. It is exactly this continuously manipulated and exaggerated idea that contributes to perpetuate prejudices and stereotypes, as well as to bolster social, economical, political conflicts and competition. (p.47) Anti-gypsyism, as a specific racist ideology, have historically played, and still plays, an essential role in the construction and conservation of such a uniform and stereotyped concept of Rom and Sinti groups. (p.53) Lastly, the topic of anti-gypsyism and the strict categorization of Rom and Sinti as “problematic and marginal subjects”, can help us to contextualize the fact that an educational approach, which considers Roma as subjects needing to be reeducated, often continues to prevail, especially within many social service organizations and charitable associations. Children do not attend school, people do not wash themselves, mothers are unable to look after their children and exploit them for begging, men do not work, wives are made to submit to their husbands and they are vulnerable persons who need to be emancipated. During our search for information on Romanian Roma presences, we often had to hear extremely disparaging and discriminatory comments, which show still deep-rooted generalizations and prejudices. Suspicions about how the Roma communities earn their livings continue to be very strong and are almost always thought as outlawed and illegal activities. Some spoke of women who prostitute themselves, other about the fear that a mother would return to Romania in order to sell her son. (p.54) The migration reasons are multiple, variable and different from one case to another, they depend on the context of origin and arrival, as well as on the personal and family stories. «In Romania if you have no money, you starve, nobody helps you and there is no work, what do you do?». This is something that Roma often repeat. In Italy you can do something, by begging or working, someone give you money or food, you can find dumped clothes, shoes and appliances which can be recovered and sent to Romania. Alongside socio-economic factors, the wish, the desire, the dream of giving their children a better life and future, is one of the decisive motivations for leaving. It is for their children and families that men and women are willing to bear extremely harsh living conditions and the trial of living far away from home. All this intermingles with reasons of prestige: to emigrate is a valuable opportunity, it is something that not all people can face, which leads to acquiring a certain reputation and social status. Consumption represents the best way towards which to show the success by means of some modernity and richness status symbols, such as big cars, designer clothes, music centres and television sets, as well as wedding and baptism parties, with many guests, grilled meat and wine, and musicians and manele singers. But the main asset on which the families invest is their home. One of the most important aims for those who migrate is to buy a house or to build a vila in Romania, if possible with two floors and in modern materials, close to the family or along the paved road, near to the Romanians, out of the ţigania (Roma neighbourhood). (p. 62-63)

    In-text: (Palmisano and Agoni, 2015)

    Your Bibliography: Palmisano, A. and Agoni, M., 2015. DadA: Rivista di Antopologia Post-globale. 1st ed. Trieste: Autorizzazione del Tribunal civile di Trieste, pp.45-63.

  • Website

    Roma Needs Assessment Shows Extreme Poverty Pavee Point

    2018 - Pavee Point Traveller and Roma Centre

    “I think it’s important that we are shown in a better light. I hope this research will improve things for our community so that we don’t have to hide who we are. We want to contribute to Irish society – this is our home” – Julias, Ennis. ROMA Needs Assessment - The highest rates of perceived discrimination are in accessing accommodation (93.3%) and social protection (84.3%). Women were identified as particularly vulnerable to racist abuse.

    In-text: (Roma Needs Assessment Shows Extreme Poverty Pavee Point, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: 2018. Roma Needs Assessment Shows Extreme Poverty Pavee Point. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 12 June 2018].

  • Journal

    Pontrandolfo, S.

    The disappearance of ta Rom community and the rejection of the politics of recognition

    2014 - Journal of Modern Italian studies

    Beginning in the immediate aftermath of the SecondWorldWar, many western democracies, including Italy, abandoned policies that tended to marginalize or assimilate cultural diversity within nation-states, and meanwhile adopted politics of recognition that attempted to expand the rights of minorities by recognizing their cultural diversity (so called multiculturalism). The peculiarity of the Italian case is that the political rhetoric toward Rom minorities has been marked by a binary of recognition: on one hand exists the recognition of a nomad identity (present in various institutional practices), and on the other hand a recognition of a cultural identity of Rom and Sinti (exemplified by many associations, either pro-Gypsy or Gypsy). (p.120) key transformation of the past thirty years has been a change in the way the majority of western democracies have treated ethno-cultural diversity. In the past, that diversity was often considered a menace to the political stability of the nation-state and, as a consequence, it was discouraged by public policy. Immigrant groups, national minorities and indigenous populations were subjected to a vast array of policies intended to marginalize or assimilate them. However, in recent decades, many western democracies have abandoned those policies and refocused their efforts on a flexible policy towards ethno-cultural diversity. The shift is evident in, for Politics of recognition and the Rom community 121 Downloaded by [The University of Manchester Library] at 04:26 10 September 2015 example, the widespread adoption of multicultural policies for immigrant groups, or the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, or the recognition of territorial claims and for the rights of self-governance of indigenous populations. Those policies, often defined as ‘multiculturalism’, go beyond the basic protections of political and civil rights guaranteed to all individuals in western democracies, seeking instead to expand those rights in the direction of a greater public recognition of ethno-cultural minorities and guaranteeing them the additional right of conserving their unique identity and practices within the nation-state. (p. 121-122) In these intensifying struggles, the European Rom and Sinti have typically maintained what Piasere calls a ‘low profile’, which is to say that they have adopted a strategy of political invisibility, disengaging themselves from any struggle for recognition. The struggles for the recognition of European Rom and Sinti as cultural minorities began relatively late, from the second post-war period, after the Holocaust, after the rejection of the idea of the existence of superior and inferior ‘races’, when the Rom began to ask new questions: should we officially, visibly enter into the struggle for identity or continue to maintain an elusive profile? (p. 123)

    In-text: (Pontrandolfo, 2014)

    Your Bibliography: Pontrandolfo, S., 2014. The disappearance of ta Rom community and the rejection of the politics of recognition. Journal of Modern Italian studies, 19(2), pp.119-131.

  • Website

    Powell, R.

    To Europe's shame, Roma remain stigmatised outsiders – even when they live in mansions

    2018 - The Conversation

    Yet, in my research with human geographer Remus Cretan, we found that wealthy Roma households in Romania who are economically active, upwardly mobile, and live in conventional housing in mixed neighbourhoods, still face the same stigmatisation as those Roma households who live in abject poverty within segregated ghettos. We interviewed 60 Roma households in south-west Romania whose relative wealth challenged the dominant perception of Roma as an economically excluded group living in degraded environments. And our analysis of Romanian print media over a five-year period between 2012 and 2016 showed heightened attention to “wealthy Roma” and criticism of “ugly Gypsy palaces”, particularly since 2013 and an escalation in populist rhetoric. The marginalisation of Roma across Europe raises fundamental questions about the EU project. For the political right, Roma are used as a means of mobilising anti-EU sentiment within Europe. For the left, the systematic and toothless failures of EU policy to address widespread Roma racism undermines the rhetoric of the EU as an inclusive, rights-driven project, but also serves as a reminder of the importance of the nation and national character. From day-to-day interactions through to political rhetoric, Roma are largely treated by wider society as inferior. In November 2017, Lisa Evans, the wife of Northern Ireland footballer Corry Evans, posted an offensive tweet after a Romanian referee awarded a “dodgy” penalty for a highly questionable handball on the part of her husband. She wrote: “Romanian gypsy c**t!!! And to actually think Northern Ireland has probably homed one of his smelly relatives!! Ungrateful t**t!! Anyway onwards and upwards.” Conflation of the Romanian nationality with the diverse Roma ethnic group underscores the widespread level of ignorance. References to housing and welfare, hygiene and “ungratefulness” are all longstanding Roma stereotypes that seem to roll off the tongue. It’s as if Roma are sub-human. Yet often, Roma separation and exclusion is seen as a problem of Roma: it’s Roma themselves who need to change. Roma culture and customs are presented by both the right and the left as the problem and a threat to non-Roma. These perspectives always lack historical perspective and serve to make racism against the Roma invisible. For example, 500 years of slavery in Romania or the Romani Holocaust are key contexts for understanding the position of Roma, but these histories are woefully neglected. Until the longstanding and widely held perception of Roma inferiority is acknowledged and better understood, then policies of Roma “integration” can only be partially successful. Only through an understanding of group stigmatisation and its drivers can racist attitudes be addressed effectively. And perhaps then Europe’s longstanding shame can lead to more opportunities and spaces for meaningful interaction between Roma and non-Roma.

    In-text: (Powell, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Powell, R., 2018. To Europe's shame, Roma remain stigmatised outsiders – even when they live in mansions. [online] The Conversation. Available at: <> [Accessed 2 June 2018].

  • Dissertation

    Robinson, M. and Martin, K.

    Approaches t working with children, young people and families for Traveller, Irish Traveller, Gypsy, Roma and Show People Communities


    It was reported that Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities would like professionals to be more flexible in coming to them and meeting their requirements. Histories of enforced movement with little notice and past legacies of inflexibility have contributed to this aspiration. Outreach is considered very important. (p. 7) Developing long term and strategic approaches. Key factors which inhibit longer term service development include: short term crisis management; issues around insecurity of accommodation; inter-organisational differences around data-sharing; lack of central involvement of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities in policy development; the need for a capacity building approach. Information sharing. Key concerns include inadequate ethnic monitoring and inter-organisational differences around data-sharing. Complexities of cultural awareness. Tensions persist around addressing the ambiguities of professionals‟ beliefs and understandings concerning cultural factors as an influence on good practice. Balance of focus. There are dilemmas of obtaining an appropriate balance of focus and resources between provision specifically targeted towards GRT communities, and mainstream service provision. Multi-agency work. Developing multi-agency work can be challenging where the remits of different services can be dramatically divergent e.g. the contrast between the educational remit of the TESS and the enforcement remit of the police. Home environments. Making best use of home environments involves facing challenges around geography: mobility and travel patterns; transport; professional views and attitudes: lack of familiarity; safety concerns; shortage of places. Including Gypsies and Travellers in service development. Many services have not made serious attempts to include Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities in service development – this perpetuates mutual mistrust and misunderstanding. Training. There is a lack of evaluation of training or evidence of what works. Training is often underdeveloped, unsystematic and insufficiently resourced. The most appropriate balance and best fit between formal training and structuring informal opportunities also needs considering. Trainers may need more support; and more evidence is needed of how to implement Gypsy, Roma The literature indicates a number of overarching challenges concerning current practice in service provision and delivery. Developing long term and strategic approaches. Key factors which inhibit longer term service development include: short term crisis management; issues around insecurity of accommodation; inter-organisational differences around data-sharing; lack of central involvement of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities in policy development; the need for a capacity building approach. Information sharing. Key concerns include inadequate ethnic monitoring and inter-organisational differences around data-sharing. Complexities of cultural awareness. Tensions persist around addressing the ambiguities of professionals‟ beliefs and understandings concerning cultural factors as an influence on good practice. Balance of focus. There are dilemmas of obtaining an appropriate balance of focus and resources between provision specifically targeted towards GRT communities, and mainstream service provision. Multi-agency work. Developing multi-agency work can be challenging where the remits of different services can be dramatically divergent e.g. the contrast between the educational remit of the TESS and the enforcement remit of the police. Home environments. Making best use of home environments involves facing challenges around geography: mobility and travel patterns; transport; professional views and attitudes: lack of familiarity; safety concerns; shortage of places. Including Gypsies and Travellers in service development. Many services have not made serious attempts to include Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities in service development – this perpetuates mutual mistrust and misunderstanding. Training. There is a lack of evaluation of training or evidence of what works. Training is often underdeveloped, unsystematic and insufficiently resourced. The most appropriate balance and best fit between formal training and structuring informal opportunities also needs considering. Trainers may need more support; and more evidence is needed of how to implement Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities‟ involvement in training effectively. (p. 10) The challenge of promoting Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities’ engagement within the development of services has been discussed previously. Many services have not made serious attempts to include Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities in service development processes and decisions. This lack perpetuates mutual mistrust and misunderstanding. For example, in general, fostering services were found to have engaged in very little development work with the Traveller community (Cemlyn, 2000). This engagement in development work with the Traveller community is required as there were said to be substantial fears among the community about social services, and children being removed from families, and social workers were often unfamiliar with Traveller culture and had a lack of understanding of their minority ethnic and cultural status. As a result Traveller‟s lifestyle could be pathologised. These mutual suspicions mean that there is an increased risk of confrontation which impacts negatively on the work with Traveller children. (p. 61)

    In-text: (Robinson and Martin, 2018)

    Your Bibliography: Robinson, M. and Martin, K., 2018. Approaches t working with children, young people and families for Traveller, Irish Traveller, Gypsy, Roma and Show People Communities. A literature Review. Children's Workfoce Development Council.

  • Book

    Said, E. W.


    1978 - Routledge - London

    In-text: (Said, 1978)

    Your Bibliography: Said, E., 1978. Orientalism. 1st ed. London: Routledge, pp.9-57.

  • Book

    Sibley, D.

    Geography of Exclusion: society and difference in the West

    1995 - Rutledge - New York

    In-text: (Sibley, 1995)

    Your Bibliography: Sibley, D., 1995. Geography of Exclusion: society and difference in the West. New York: Rutledge, pp.547- 553.

  • Book

    Surdu, M.

    Expert Frames: Scientific and Policy Practices of Roma Classification

    2015 - Central European University Press - Budapest

    Policy research targeting Roma may do more harm than good (p. 7) Surdu’s argument is that European institutions have formed a bureaucratic apparatus in order to ad-dress “Roma” as a social problem (p. 3). According to the author this approach is accompanied by expert narratives, which in turn serve to strengthen the ideol-ogy that guides institutional policy. Surdu seeks to criti-cally examine the “classifiers” that make up the target population of these policy interventions and the narra-tives that accompany them. Surdu correctly identifies “Roma” as the self-appellation of a particular group as well as a term that has more recently taken on the function of a politically correct placeholder for “Gypsy”, which in turn denotes a much wider and more vaguely defined target group consisting of diverse populations (for a similar view see Matras, 2005, 2013). But he argues that Roma were not an ethnic group until their status in Europe became politicised. Overall, Surdu’s point is that institutions adopt ex-pert statements and impose a narrative, which then perpetuates itself through repetition across a sector of institutions becoming a dominant policy narrative. But in his concluding remarks he entangles himself in a slight contradiction. Having started off by claiming that ethnicity is by definition a political enterprise, he con-cludes with a call to “de-politicise Roma ethnicity” (p. 248). He even dismisses “Roma voices” as “just institu-tional views put forward about Roma”. Inspired by the likes of Okely (1983), Lucassen (1998) and Willems (1997), Surdu speaks of the “supposed Indian origin” (p. 51). He argues in his con-cluding remarks (p. 245) that the deployment of the In-dian connection portrays Roma as a non-European and therefore alien people, and that it thus reinforces the opposition between Roma and non-Roma (for a similar argument that claims that describing Romani practices amounts to “essentialising” and creates boundaries, see Tremlett’s review of my book, 2014). I do side with Surdu when he describes with some anguish how schools that he observed in Central and Eastern Europe have an “Indian corner” depicting India as the place in which Romani culture has its roots, and how they showcase Roma dancing and singing in front of delegations of visitors (p. 36). This reminds me of our own observations on the way Roma were exoti-cised in order to justify resources for third sector inter-ventions in Britain (see Matras et al., 2015). Arguably, denial of unique and separate Romani traditions, linguistic or other, whatever their historical origins, amounts to an assimilationist approach. The challenge facing European policy is not how to erase cultural differences, but how to ensure that Roma are free to maintain whatever unique attributes and tradi-tions they choose without suffering discrimination as a result. Surdu’s critique of the self-serving trends to-ward essentialising and segregation is welcome and in-spiring; but in denying that there is anything at all in Romani identity that is tangible, he seems to be taking things just one step too far.

    In-text: (Surdu, 2015)

    Your Bibliography: Surdu, M., 2015. Expert Frames: Scientific and Policy Practices of Roma Classification. 1st ed. Budapest: Central European University Press, pp.7-71.

  • Website

    Roma (Gypsies) in Prewar Europe

    Holocaust Encyclopedia

    Roma (Gypsies) originated in the Punjab region of northern India as a nomadic people and entered Europe between the eighth and tenth centuries C.E. They were called "Gypsies" because Europeans mistakenly believed they came from Egypt. This minority is made up of distinct groups called "tribes" or "nations." Most of the Roma in Germany and the countries occupied by Germany during World War II belonged to the Sinti and Roma family groupings. Both groups spoke dialects of a common language called Romani, based on Sanskrit (the classical language of India). The term "Roma" has come to include both the Sinti and Roma groupings, though some Roma prefer being known as "Gypsies." Some Roma are Christian and some are Muslim, having converted during the course of their migrations through Persia, Asia Minor, and the Balkans. For centuries, Roma were scorned and persecuted across Europe. "Zigeuner," the German word for Gypsy, derives from a Greek root meaning "untouchable." Many Roma traditionally worked as craftsmen and were blacksmiths, cobblers, tinsmiths, horse dealers, and toolmakers. Others were performers such as musicians, circus animal trainers, and dancers. By the 1920s, there were also a number of Romani shopkeepers. Some Roma, such as those employed in the German postal service, were civil servants. The number of truly nomadic Roma was on the decline in many places by the early 1900s, although many so-called sedentary Roma often moved seasonally, depending on their occupations. In 1939, about a million Roma lived in Europe. About half of all European Roma lived in eastern Europe, especially in the Soviet Union and Romania. Hungary, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria also had large Romani communities. In Greater Germany there were about 30,000 Roma, most of whom held German citizenship; about 11,200 of this number lived in Austria. Relatively few Roma lived in western Europe.

    In-text: (Roma (Gypsies) in Prewar Europe, n.d.)

    Your Bibliography: n.d. Roma (Gypsies) in Prewar Europe. [online] Available at: <> [Accessed 2 June 2018].

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